2018: Frieden? Wiedervereinigung?
Perspektiven für Korea
7. Mai 2017, 1930 Uhr
ST2018 - Tagungsbericht
Studientagung der DOAM
in der Evangelischen Akademie Bad Boll, 3. - 5. April 2018
Eine Renaissance des Nationalismus im Land der aufgehenden Sonne?
Aktuelle politische und gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen in Japan und Ostasien
Bedenklicher Rechtsruck in Japan
Vom 03. bis 05. April 2018 trafen sich Experten sowie Japan-Kenner und -Interessierte unterschiedlicher Professionen in der Evangelischen Akademie Bad Boll zu einer gemeinsam von der Deutschen Ostasienmission (DOAM), der Evangelischen Mission in Solidarität (EMS), dem Berliner Missionswerk (BMW) und dem Evangelischen Missionswerk in Deutschland (EMW) ausgerichteten Tagung mit dem aktuellen Thema „Renaissance des Nationalismus in Japan“. Die Teilnehmer vereinte die gemeinsame Sorge um Demokratie und Rechtsstaat im Land der aufgehenden Sonne, die sie durch aktuelle politische Ereignisse zunehmend in Gefahr sehen.
Den Anfang machte
2018: Internat. Conference - on the 1988 Declaration
International Conference in Celebration of the 30th Anniversary of the 88 Declaration of the NCCK:
“Cultivating Peace, Proclaiming Hope”
Seoul - March 5-7, 2018, in Seoul the National Council of Churches in Korea (NCCK) is holding an international conference, the International Conference in Celebration of the 30th Anniversary of the 88 Declaration of the NCCK: "Cultivating Peace, Proclaiming Hope".
This conference is taking place in significant times, since, as it is reported by different news outlets, also currently, high level talks between officials of the ROK and the DPRK are behing held.
To use words of Lutz Drescher (DOAM chair person): "We are living in exciting times. May be after a long cold winter, spring is coming on the Korean peninsula. Christians in North- and South Korea have not become tired of calling for dialogue and are grateful that such dialogue on a high level is taking place these days".
The Full text of the Communiqué "Cultivating Peace, Proclaiming Hope"
2018: Drei Religionen gedenken gemeinsam
Fukushima 11.3.2011 - 11.3.2018
Quellen: Yomiuri Zeitung vom 13.03.2018. Wikipedia. Privat.
Shintoismus – Buddhismus – Christentum:
Drei Religionen beten gemeinsam vor dem Großen Buddha von Kamakura
Am 11. März 2018 trafen sich Gläubige des Shinto, Buddhismus und Christentum im Kōtoku-Tempel in Kamakura zu einem gemeinsamen Gedenken an die Opfer
2018: 5 Aufsätze zur jap. Verfassung
Quelle: The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 16 | Issue 5 | Feb 19, 2018
Fünf Aufsätze zur japanischen Verfassung
The Constitution, Human Rights and Pluralism in Japan:
Alternative Visions of Constitutions Past and Future
We, the Japanese People: Rethinking the Meaning of the Peace Constitution
C. Douglas Lummis
Prime Minster Abe’s Constitutional Campaign and the Assault on Individual Rights
Affirmative Action Policies Under the Postwar Japanese Constitution:
On the Effects of the Dōwa Special Measures Policy
Rethinking Japan’s Constitution from the Perspective of the Ainu and Ryūkyū Peoples
Uemura Hideaki, Jeff Gayman
2018: Japan's Far Right Politicians
Die Verfassung Japans. Hate Speech
Quelle: The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 16 | Issue 3 | Number 2 | Jan 31, 2018
Japan’s Far-right Politicians, Hate Speech and Historical Denial – Branding Okinawa as “Anti-Japan”
Mark Ealey, Satoko Oka Norimatsu
As part of this latest phase of what Japanese right-wing extremists refer to as the rekishi-sen (history wars), the Abe administration is now mobilizing female storm troopers such as Sugita Mio into the fray launching an aggressive, almost libelous, attack on overseasbased Japanese peace-activists. In her article Norimatsu outlines some of the key characteristics of how Japanese history deniers operate when overseas.
Download as pdf
2018: "Save the Town"
Mit freundlicher Erlaubsnis von Japan Focus
The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 16 | Issue 3 | Number 2 | Jan 31, 2018
“Save the Town”: Insolvable Dilemmas of Fukushima’s “Return Policy”
Namie Mayor Baba Tamotsu interviewed by Katsuya Hirano with Yoshihiro Amaya and Yoh Kawano at Namie town hall,
July 4th, 2017.
Introduction by Katsuya Hirano, Transcription and translation by Akiko Anson
The town of Namie is the largest in both area and population among eight towns and villages within Futaba Country in Fukushima Prefecture. At the time of the Great East Japan Earthquake in March 2011 that precipitated the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster, the town’s population was 18,464.1 Although Namie is located just 11.2 km from the nuclear power plants, it took four days from the explosion of the power plants before Tokyo issued an evacuation order. The government’s belated order was consonant with its decision to withhold information on radiation levels provided by SPEEDI (System for Prediction of Environmental Emergency Dose Information) in order to avoid “public panic.” Consequently, many residents of Namie as well as other neighboring villages and towns were exposed to high radiation. On April 15 2012, the town of Namie asked the Japanese government to provide free heath care for its residents, including regular medical check-ups to monitor the internal radiation exposure and thyroid examinations. The evacuated government of Namie obtained a monitoring device and installed it in temporary housing in Nihonmatsu City, Fukushima where many evacuees were relocated. On April 1, 2017, the central government lifted one set of restrictions on one zone—areas in which people were permitted to enter freely but were not allowed to stay overnight—and another on a second zone—where access was limited to short visits — based on its judgment that decontamination work had successfully removed radioactive contaminants from the areas. Since the termination of the evacuation order, the government has been encouraging residents to return to those areas although only 1-2% of the residents, mostly senior citizens, have returned so far and a recent poll indicates that less than a quarter of the population intends to return in the future. In this regard, Namie is no different from other towns and villages in that the so-called return policy remains a de facto failure and the former residents simply do not trust or refuse to follow the central government’s “reconstruction” programs. At the same time, local governments have been thrown into extremely difficult situations where they have no choice but to go along with the “return policy.”